Gender and Ageing

Gero 311 Midterm

Essay Exam

Respond to the following questions in essay form.  Each response should be approximately 600 words.  The responses MUST be supported with thorough integration of the readings.  Readings must be cited in the body of the text and reference page must be provided.

1.Define Ageism.  Is Ageism a gendered experience?  Support your response with the readings.  Have feminist theorists been guilty of ageism in their research and theory development? Support your response with the readings from Module 1.

2.Differentiate between the Third Age and Fourth Age. Discuss the differences in the experiences of older adults in these “Ages” as a result of gender and ethnicity. How does the media portray aging in the Third and Fourth, and how does it affect our perception of aging?  Support your responses with the readings from Module 2 and 1.

3. In order to develop effective social policy to meet the needs of a growing older population, both in the U.S. and in the world, the diversity that exists in this population must be recognized.  Discuss the importance of recognizing gender, ethnic and class differences in developing effective economic, health, long term care and housing policies. Support your response with readings from Module 3.

4. This cohort’s retirement experience differs for men and women because their life experiences differ.  Discuss how older men and women’s economic well-being is affect by their marital (partner) status, their work experiences and their caregiving experiences.  Discuss the intersection of ethnicity with these variables?  Do you think any of these is of greater significance in understanding older adults well being? Support your responses with readings from Module 4

Gender and Ageing

Definition of Ageism

Ageism can be defined as the prejudice or the discrimination faced by elderly people on the basis of their advanced age.

Is Ageism a gendered experience?

Aging among women is viewed negatively in some societies. Women in United States have experienced both ageism and sexism, though in indirect forms. Recall this double-standard: it is socially acceptable for an older divorced or widowed man to marry a much younger woman even though he may be gray, wrinkled, and a bit paunchy. Conversely, a woman who marries a younger man is viewed as a mother figure and seen as "lucky" to be able to get a younger man at her age. If we scratch the surface of this oft-cited double standard, we find the sexist belief that women are valuable for their attractiveness and ability to give men sexual pleasure (Haboush, Warren & Benuto, 2012).

The media bombards aging women in our society with messages to conceal the telltale signs of aging. In contrast, men's wrinkles are viewed as character lines and gray hair as distinctive. It is no wonder that women internalize ageism and are rarely candid about their age. As women past 50 become aware of the physical signs of aging, they may notice social rejections in the workplace and in social activities. A woman may even find that her partner or spouse shows less interest in her.

Midlife American women of the early 21st century are part of the baby boomer generation, born between 1945 and 1959. This group of women fought for and experienced a decidedly more open environment than their mothers had known. Perhaps the most dramatic change these women witnessed was the right to control pregnancy through legal effective means, e.g., birth control (Henchliff & Gott, 2008). Divorce also has become more accepted. The majority of women from the baby boomer generation graduated from high school, and increasing numbers have college degrees or continue to complete degrees. In sum, this generation worked hard to achieve many positive changes in lifestyle choices, in work options, in achieving higher education, and in developing personal self-esteem. Irrespective of social constructivism and expectations homework help most women in midlife are comfortable with themselves, even as they continue to explore who they are and who they may still want to be.

Have Feminist Theorists been Guilty of Ageism in their Research and Theory Development?

A trademark of objective research is objectivity which can be defined as the value-free, repeatable methods of data collection, and practice that can result to clear results to be applicable to a bigger population. Though value-free inquiry is anobjective, social scientists admit that the problem of gender cannot be taken for granted. Researchers may not have the intention to be sexist or ageist, but they cannot also escape the cultural filters of the society, which impacts their viewpoint and anticipations (Twigg, 2004).

Researchers can be biased when selecting participants. For example, males are usually included in a majority of health problems researches. This inconsistency caused women's organizations and feminist researchers to work in tandem with female legislators to enact the Women's Health Equity Act of 1990, necessitating the inclusion of females in all clinical researches. Although this was a progress for women, it comes late for women who find themselves at midlife now, at the beginning of the 21st century.

The good news, however, is that today scientific studies must be approved and monitored by Medical Committees and Boards and University Committees, which ensure that women, older persons, and minorities are included (Gibson, 2003).

Question Two

Differentiate Between the Third Age and Fourth Age.

The Third Age category comprises of individuals between the ages of 65 and 80 while the Fourth Age category comprises of individuals from 80 years of age onwards.

Discuss the Differences in the Experiences of Older Adults in these “Ages” as a Result of Gender and Ethnicity.

Women in United States have experienced both ageism and sexism, though in restrained forms. Generally, it is socially suitable for an older separated or widowed man to wed a much younger woman even though he may be old. Contrariwise, a woman who weds a younger man is regarded as a mother figure and thought to be lucky to get a younger man. Paying attention to this oft-cited double standard reveals that people believe that women are valuable for their appeal and ability to satisfy men sexually.

The media attacks aging women in our society with messages to conceal the revealing signs of aging. In contrast, men's wrinkles are perceived as character lines and grey hair as characteristic. It is not surprising that women suppress ageism and are seldom truthful about their age. Women beyond 50 are acutely aware of the tell-tale signs of aging. They may encounter social dismissals in the office and in social events. She may notice that her partner or spouse finds her less sexually attractive.

Midlife women of the early 21st century, born between 1945 and 1959, are part of the baby boomer generation. They fought for and experienced a definitely more open environment than their predecessors. Perhaps the most historic modification these women experienced was the ability to control pregnancy through legal effective means. Divorce also has become increasingly recognized. These majority of women proceeded from high school and more of them have attained college degrees. In sum, this generation toiled hard to realize many positive modifications in lifestyle choices, in work options, in achieving higher education, and in developing personal self-esteem.

How does the Media Portray Aging in the Third and Fourth, and how does it Affect our Perception of Aging?

The media judges the worth of these women by considering their physical attractiveness, desirability, and ability to provide sex and bear children, thereby causing women to be dissatisfied with their appearances. By constantly using younger and more attractive women in magazines, the TV, and in the movies, older women’s dissatisfaction is intensified with their appearance, thereby causing the plastic surgery industry to become more active and busy.

Question Three

Although there are positive environmental trends concerning women and aging, the experiences are not similar for all women. The lives of individuals are shaped by Family, school, work, culture, socioeconomic status, opportunities, and relationships. Nevertheless, the general status and involvement of women is getting better, considering the progresses made in education, career choices and work opportunities, political experience and power, and medical advances and healthcare. Poverty still is an issue for some older woman and points up the diversity within gender. Poverty is lessened by Medicaid and gender neutral Social Security benefits for some of the poor.

For several, economic stability is a goal and a redeeming force that enables social power, implying equality between and within genders. Economic stability influences the direction of women's lives, and several today are accomplishing the goal of the "power of the purse" (Estes, 2004).

Women live longer nowadays and, for the most part, they live better. Contrary to popular belief, physical and mental decline is minimal and a majority of those over 80 years of age led better lives. It is true that speed in intellectual processing decelerates with progressing age; however, the aptitude to find solutions to daily life does not decline. Scientists are more conscious of diseases that upset the brain and intellectual functioning such as Alzheimer's and, therefore, spend more time studying the disease and other risk factors. Women in their prime ultimately should benefit from these studies into probable causes, prevention, and cures.

Older women are taking better care of themselves thanks to increased medical education and public attention, and living more vigorous lives, staying in the work environment longer by choice, or volunteering in the community to keep up a social network. Moreover, many midlife and post-midlife women continue to be interested in their appearance, not so much from media pressure, but for their own self-esteem. Looking better and feeling better about themselves gives women a sense of power (Freixas & Reina, 2012).

Post-midlife women, in general, express contentment in later life. Health permitting, many choose to enrich or sustain their lives by continuing their careers, by pursuing new or neglected interests, or by volunteering or advocating. Friendships, too, are critical to well-being throughout life, but especially in later age. Older women seek out and maintain friendship networks that can provide emotional support, enhance physical well-being, and contribute to psychological growth.

Although they may face health problems, losses, and financial constraints, older women are reasonably satisfied with life. Some attribute their optimism to having learned to cope effectively with life transitions and to adjust their goals. Many women find that spirituality strengthens them to cope with life issues and gives them a sense of hope. As they become older, they experience continuity and stability in their spiritual involvement.

Women of any culture, age, or sex have choices. Although limitations exist, a woman can: choose how to address a situation; choose relationships and whether to stay in them; choose to say no to imposed grand parenting; choose to return to her country of origin if this county is not all she hoped for; choose to continue an education later in life; choose to become an activist to change society for her peers and for future generations; choose to be selfish about her time and contributions; and, lastly, to choose whatever it takes to live life to the fullest, irrespective of health, limited opportunities, or finances (Montemurro & Siefken, 2014).

Question Four

Even though a majority of women retire on attaining the age of 65, the ones that continue working for financial reasons have increased the difficulty of caring for the aged relations while maintaining their jobs. Being a primary caretaker of old-old parents has emotional implications for older women, and multiple challenges can happen with these expectations on women but, in some cases, their own incapacitated spouses while they, themselves, are not as strong and active physically as they were earlier.

Economic challenges is a major concern for numerous women in later life. Some do not have private pensions thereby relying on Social Security while others are not even eligible. Private pension benefits could make a difference in women’s economic security and comfortable existence in old age; yet, many have not had the opportunity to be covered by private pensions.

Women 65 and older are a varied group. Some had professions and employment with large corporations that offered pension plans while others worked for an identified period of time and became entrusted or eligible for benefits (Gilleard & Higgs, 2013). Most women, however, received less compensation compared to men thereby depriving them the financial freedom. Some women have no private pension pay-outs on which to depend since their jobs were in the service sector where pensions are scarce or their work history was irregular and dependent on childrearing and family responsibility. Moreover, pension benefits for women in minority groups almost do not exist.

Work history, retirement planning, investment, and shared assets with spouses all contribute to older women's financial health. Single parents or divorced women find that assets are minimal and that poverty is pronounced in later life. For many, retirement planning was not an option: surviving over the years was the significant factor in their lives.

Established in 1935, SS is now the dominant source of income for millions of post-midlife women. Although it was intended to function as a minimum level of protection rather than the sole source of retirement income, SS has become the major source, providing at least 50 percent of total income for older Americans. More than half of SS beneficiaries are widowed, divorced, or never married women. One in four non-married, older females, especially women in ethnic minority groups, rely on it as their only source of income (Lewis, Medvedev & Seponski, 2011).

Although SS does not keep all women out of poverty, it is gender neutral in that its benefits are based strictly on wage earnings. Women’s employment has been concentrated in low paying occupations; yet, the SS benefit formula replaces 56 percent of average lifetime earnings of low-wage workers compared to 35 percent for those at the high end wage scale. Moreover, 62 percent of older spouses or surviving widows receive SS benefits based on their husband’s earnings records. Women receive benefits until death.

There is a concern about SS resources being depleted by the year 2030 because of worker to beneficiary ratio deficits. As baby boomers retire and live longer than what was estimated when SS benefits were calculated back in 1935 and with fertility rates lower than ever before, an imbalance of resources is developing. Although some advocate privatizing the SS program, as yet there is no evidence that such a change would benefit the older population, particularly older women (Twigg, 2004).

The statistics and figures presented in the reading provide a deeper understanding of the well-being of older adults and its implications on their lives.

References

Estes, C.L. (2004). Social Security privatization and older women: A feminist political economy perspective, Journal of Aging Studies, 18, 9-26.

Freixas,A., Reina, A. (2012). Critical Feminist Gerontology: In the Back Room of Research, Journal of Women and Aging, 24 (1). 44-58.

Gibson, D. (2003) Getting Better Will Take Some Time: The Effects of Social Policy on Four Generations of Older Women, Australian Feminist Studies,  18, (41), 173-186 

Gilleard, C & Higgs, P. (2013) The fourth age and the concept of a 'social imaginary': A theoretical excursus. Journal of Aging Studies, 27(4),  368-376  http://www.sciencedirect.com.ezproxy.umuc.edu/science/article/pii/S0890406513000509

Haboush, A., Warren, C., & Benuto, L. (2012). Beauty, ethnicity, and age: Does internalization of mainstream media ideals influence attitudes towards older adults? Sex Roles, 66(9-10), 668-676. 

Henchliff, S, & Gott, M. (2008) Challenging social myths and stereotypes of women and aging. Journal of Women and Aging, 20(1/2), 65-

Lewis, D.C., Medvedev, K., & Seponski, D.M. (2011). Awakening to the desires of older women: Deconstructing ageism within fashion magazines. Journal of Aging Studies, 25, 101-109.

Montemurro, B& Siefken J. (2014) Cougars on the prowl? New perceptions of older women's sexuality. Journal of Aging Studies. 28, 35-43 

Twigg, J. (2004). The body, gender, and age: Feminist insights in social gerontology. Journal of Aging Studies, 18, 59-73.

Twigg, J. (2004). The body, gender, and age: Feminist insights in social gerontology. Journal of Aging Studies, 18, 59-73.